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Thhese days showcase a very unique occurrence: the inaugural US parade of the babysitters. They vary in their expertise and traits, but they all share the common mission – to stop an Israeli infringement, or even destruction, of the unstable peace agreement. Since the conflict finished, there have been rare days without at least one of Donald Trump’s representatives on the ground. Just in the last few days saw the presence of Jared Kushner, Steve Witkoff, JD Vance and Marco Rubio – all arriving to perform their duties.

The Israeli government keeps them busy. In just a few days it executed a series of operations in the region after the killings of two Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers – leading, as reported, in dozens of local injuries. Multiple ministers urged a renewal of the war, and the Israeli parliament passed a preliminary measure to incorporate the occupied territories. The US reaction was somehow ranging from “no” and “hell no.”

However in various respects, the Trump administration appears more focused on upholding the existing, tense phase of the peace than on advancing to the following: the reconstruction of Gaza. When it comes to this, it appears the US may have ambitions but few concrete strategies.

At present, it is uncertain when the suggested international oversight committee will actually take power, and the similar is true for the designated military contingent – or even the composition of its members. On a recent day, a US official said the US would not dictate the composition of the foreign contingent on the Israeli government. But if the prime minister's cabinet keeps to reject multiple options – as it did with the Ankara's offer this week – what happens then? There is also the reverse point: which party will decide whether the troops favoured by the Israelis are even prepared in the assignment?

The matter of the duration it will require to demilitarize the militant group is equally ambiguous. “Our hope in the administration is that the global peacekeeping unit is intends to at this point take the lead in disarming the organization,” remarked the official lately. “That’s will require a period.” Trump further emphasized the lack of clarity, stating in an interview a few days ago that there is no “hard” schedule for the group to demilitarize. So, hypothetically, the unidentified members of this still unformed international contingent could arrive in the territory while the organization's fighters continue to hold power. Would they be dealing with a leadership or a insurgent group? These are just a few of the concerns emerging. Some might wonder what the verdict will be for everyday Palestinians in the present situation, with Hamas continuing to target its own political rivals and dissidents.

Latest events have afresh underscored the omissions of local reporting on both sides of the Gaza frontier. Each source seeks to scrutinize every possible angle of the group's infractions of the peace. And, in general, the reality that the organization has been stalling the return of the bodies of slain Israeli captives has taken over the coverage.

Conversely, reporting of civilian fatalities in Gaza caused by Israeli operations has received scant notice – if at all. Consider the Israeli retaliatory actions after a recent Rafah incident, in which two soldiers were killed. While local authorities claimed dozens of casualties, Israeli news pundits complained about the “moderate response,” which targeted only infrastructure.

This is nothing new. During the past few days, Gaza’s information bureau accused Israeli forces of infringing the peace with Hamas multiple times since the truce came into effect, resulting in the loss of dozens of individuals and harming another many more. The claim was insignificant to the majority of Israeli news programmes – it was just missing. This applied to information that 11 members of a local household were lost their lives by Israeli soldiers last Friday.

Gaza’s emergency services stated the individuals had been seeking to return to their dwelling in the a Gaza City area of the city when the bus they were in was attacked for allegedly passing the “demarcation line” that defines territories under Israeli army command. This boundary is invisible to the naked eye and is visible only on maps and in government papers – not always obtainable to ordinary individuals in the region.

Yet that event hardly got a note in Israeli media. Channel 13 News covered it briefly on its website, citing an IDF official who explained that after a suspect car was detected, soldiers shot alerting fire towards it, “but the vehicle continued to approach the troops in a manner that caused an immediate threat to them. The forces shot to remove the risk, in compliance with the truce.” Zero fatalities were reported.

Given this framing, it is understandable a lot of Israeli citizens think the group exclusively is to responsible for breaking the truce. That perception could lead to prompting calls for a stronger approach in the region.

Sooner or later – perhaps in the near future – it will not be enough for American representatives to play kindergarten teachers, advising Israel what to refrain from. They will {have to|need